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Recently, over 20 Israeli soldiers died in Gaza while they were destroying civilian infrastructure and residential areas with the intention of creating a "buffer zone" in Gaza, ostensibly to secure the future security of Israel's Southern residents. There is no evidence indicating that the civilian infrastructure being destroyed is used by Palestinian militants. It is simply being destroyed because Israel wants full control over the area. The United States has criticized this.

Considering that there is no evidence that these homes were used for military purposes, do Israel's actions here constitute a war crime? If your answer is "no", would the same answer apply to Hamas e.g., burning and demolishing Israeli homes with the intention of creating a buffer on the Israeli side to secure Palestinian security, and if not what would be the substantive legal difference?

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  • Let's not have an edit war here, if you think one version is really that much better please make your argument in a post on meta.
    – JJJ
    Commented Jan 29 at 2:29

3 Answers 3

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Depends on the specifics.

If there is a military outpost on a hill, and they clear all trees and buildings a hundred meters around, they can probably argue that the military purpose of the destruction is proportional to the civilian suffering caused by it. Even if the outpost has not yet been attacked.

If there is a more-or-less continuous frontline and an attack seems likely, and one side destroys all cover for a kilometer or two in front of their trenches, they may be able to argue that the military purpose of the destruction is proportional to the civilian suffering caused by it. This proportionality argument gets easier if they can point to a pattern of rocket attacks from any available cover.

If one side in a conflict simply flattens all civilian shelter in a large area, they will find it more difficult to argue that the military purpose outweighs the civilian suffering. Especially if there are no other areas for the civilians to go to.

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  • In what sense the destruction in the last paragraph is meant to be a security zone? Also, it would be nice to put it in the context of the example given in the OP - security zone aiming to prevent firing into civilian areas within Israel (rather than protecting a military outpost or trenches.)
    – Morisco
    Commented Jan 24 at 12:48
  • @RogerV. The argument would be that the entire border is a military outpost, and/or that the IDF have to defend the entirety of Israel like it were a military outpost, because of the nature of the rocket attacks
    – Caleth
    Commented Jan 24 at 13:06
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    Isn't the core of this answer about the proportionality is what matters, not whether it's an outpost? Proportionality of civilian harm vs military value.
    – bharring
    Commented Jan 24 at 13:35
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    @bharring, I was trying to give examples of an immediately obvious military motive. Proportionality requires a military purpose.
    – o.m.
    Commented Jan 24 at 15:48
  • "rocket attacks from any available cover": so, I guess you just argue that all of Gaza can be levelled to the ground to prevent those? (BTW, under AP I, which IIRC Israel is not part of, you can't destroy any cover. Funnily enough, natural stuff like trees are more protected than houses in that treaty.) Commented Jan 26 at 21:57
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They are acts of war, but not war crimes.

Assuming the building was empty, the actions necessary to minimize civilian casualties were already taken.

Using terrain in ways which may provide cover and destroying potential cover is very much what a war is composed of.

Wars consist of acts of war.

War crimes are not just things which you dislike which were done during a war. War crimes are acts so heinous that they may not be done even during wars. Blowing up buildings which may serve as enemy cover is probably one of the most common actions in wars.

EDIT Pursuant to the suggestions in the comments, I have to specify that the reason that it is a military objective is that article 52 section 2 demands that

Attacks shall be limited strictly to military objectives. In so far as objects are concerned, military objectives are limited to those objects which by their nature, location, purpose or use make an effective contribution to military action and whose total or partial destruction, capture or neutralization, in the circumstances ruling at the time, offers a definite military advantage.

And that "effective" is a subjective term and it is subject to the judgement of the people in the field. If they judge an object to have an effective military use, then that judgement, in an active war zone, is self-certifying and creates a determination based on which further action may be taken.

This may raise the question how arbitrary may that judgement be. Clearly, the rules do not demand that people operating in the field sacrifice military effectiveness, only that the effectiveness is not achieved at the greater expense (to civilian lives and property) than is feasible. How is that to be judged?

Well, as with everything else, when judging the cost of anything, the only way to do it is to compare alternatives. If there is a cheaper way to achieve the military objective (in terms of civilian lives and property), then that is the alternative that should be chosen.

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    I don't think "may serve" is sufficient to become a military objective. If they're not military objectives then they're protected by IHL. You probably want to rephrase that in your answer because now it makes it seem as any empty building could be a legitimate target after some reasoning.
    – JJJ
    Commented Jan 24 at 17:22
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    @JJJ the obvious unstated assumption is that it's inside a war zone. I don't think that needs to be said in this situation because it's clearly implied. Whether something inside a war zone is a military objective or not is a judgement call of the people in the field.
    – wrod
    Commented Jan 24 at 17:23
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    @wrod article 52 divides objects into military or civilian. Just because you're in a warzone doesn't make something a military objective (but other factors might). The distinction is important because depending on the classification it would be a war crime or not..
    – JJJ
    Commented Jan 24 at 17:38
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    @JJJ I'll reiterate, whether something inside a war zone is a military objective or not is a judgement call of the people in the field. If in their view it is, then that is what makes it such. it's not a carte blanche. It's still an act of war. But it's not a war crime.
    – wrod
    Commented Jan 24 at 18:04
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    Your comment "whether something inside a war zone is a military objective or not is a judgement call of the people in the field" seems like the crux of your answer, and in this case the IDF commanders are the people in the field. You might add that to your answer? Commented Jan 26 at 18:50
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Tl,dr; Probably yes.

Israel justifies demolitions of Palestinian property on three grounds; administrative (lack of building permit), punitive (relatives of militant lives there), and military (full-filling a military objective). Your question is about military demolitions. Two articles of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) applies here. Article 46 of the Hague regulations:

In addition to the prohibitions provided by special Conventions, it is especially forbidden [...] To destroy or seize the enemy's property, unless such destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the necessities of war;

and article 53 of the Geneva Conventions:

Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property [...] is prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.

So what we are discussing is conduct that is forbidden, unless specific criteria (in italics) applies. Note that these criteria are not sufficient and other factors might also have to be taken into account. B'TSelem argues:

Even in the case of military necessity, [...], the occupier must comply with the other provisions of international humanitarian law. Indeed, jurists and international tribunals have firmly rejected the argument that military necessity prevails over every other consideration and nullifies application of these other provisions.

Moreover, the principle of proportionality applies:

[...] [The] principle [of proportionality] also applies to Israel’s policy discussed in this document. According to the commentary published by the ICRC on article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, destruction of property is illegal if the occupier does not “try to keep a sense of proportion in comparing the military advantages to be gained with the damage done.”

According to B'TSelem, the wholesale destruction of an entire neighbourhood on the basis that tunnels exist under it, or that militans are firing from houses in it, violates the principle of proportionality:

The IDF forces destroyed entire residential neighborhoods, claiming that, under some of the houses, tunnels had been dug through which weapons were being smuggled. In other cases, the army destroyed dozens of houses on the grounds that Palestinians were firing from the area at IDF soldiers. The demolition of houses based on this claim cannot be deemed to meet the conditions required by the principle of proportionality.

The article The Legality of House Demolitions Under IHL defines "military necessity" as follows:

Military necessity incorporates clear conditions: (i) the presence of an immediate and concrete threat, (ii) that the demolition be an adequate response to the threat, and (iii) that, even if the first two conditions are fulfilled, such demolition must respect the principle of proportionality. If the demolition fails to fulfill one of the criteria, it is illegal.

Israel has many times in the past demolished houses to create "buffer zones". As a preparation for the 2005 Gaza pull-out, it in 2004 destroyed hundreds of dwellings in Rafah in southern Gaza to create a 300 meters wide "buffer zone" running along the Gaza-Egypt border. The Human Rights Watch's report Razing Rafah: Mass Home Demolitions in the Gaza Strip claimed that many of these demolitions were unlawful and did not meet the threshold of "military necessity". Among other things, the report failed the Israeli army's argument that razing homes made smuggling tunnels easier to detect:

The IDF has publicly admitted destroying houses to "weaken the fear of tunnels" or in response to other hypothetical risks.This doctrine conflates the legal requirement of absolute military necessity a strict standard requiring that any property destruction must be connected to combat with the much broader notion of security.

Recently the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk warned that creating a one-kilometer buffer zone could be a war crime. He based his argument on article 53:

The Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) are reportedly destroying all buildings within the Gaza Strip that are within a kilometre of the Israel-Gaza fence, clearing the area with the objective of creating a “buffer zone”. I stress to the Israeli authorities that Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits destruction by the Occupying Power of property belonging to private persons “except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations”.

Destructions carried out to create a “buffer zone” for general security purposes do not appear consistent with the narrow “military operations” exception set out in international humanitarian law. Further, extensive destruction of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly, amounts to a grave breach of the Fourth Geneva Convention, and a war crime.

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